The Peshmerga, one of Iraq’s most ancient armed forces, can trace its origins back to the 1920s. However, the roots of the Peshmerga extend further into the past, with paramilitary forces emerging in the 19th century. Initially, the Peshmerga was organized by Kurdish tribes in northern Iraq, and it is now an integral part of the Iraqi defence system according to the constitution. These forces are seen as a unifying power in the Kurdish region. Nevertheless, challenges related to trust and political crises remain the primary barriers to Peshmerga unification.

Throughout much of the late 1900s, the Peshmerga frequently engaged in conflict with Iraqi forces, employing guerrilla tactics in warfare. Some Peshmerga units were commanded by Mustafa Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), while others were led by Jalal Talabani under the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Following the passing of Mustafa Barzani, his son Massoud Barzani, who effectively became the Kurdish region’s president, assumed leadership. Both the PUK and KDP primarily focused their efforts on utilizing the Peshmerga to maintain control over specific territories.

In the aftermath of the first Gulf War, Iraqi Kurdistan descended into a civil war between the KDP and PUK. Since this conflict, Peshmerga forces have been fighting amongst themselves to preserve their areas of influence. When the U.S.-led coalition invaded Iraq in 2003, these forces played a crucial role in toppling Saddam’s regime. Subsequently, some of these units transformed into semi-regular forces responsible for safeguarding the region and deterring threats to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Meanwhile, others continue to operate under the control of both the PUK and KDP, ensuring mutual deterrence and military balance in the region for stability.

Numerous attempts have been made to consolidate this force, but a resolute commitment to do so has been lacking. For instance, when waging separate guerrilla wars against the Iraqi army in the 1970s and 1980s, both the KDP and PUK officially agreed in 1992 to merge their Peshmerga units and establish an authorized Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs. However, the outbreak of a civil war in the region in 1994 obstructed the integration process for several years. Still, the two primary Kurdish political parties reaffirmed their dedication to unification after signing a peace agreement in 1998. Despite both the PUK and KDP having a common adversary in Saddam’s regime, their forces remained divided until the fall of the regime in 2003.

After the formation of a unified government in 2005 between the KDP and PUK, the Ministry of Peshmerga was established to consolidate these forces and manage Peshmerga affairs. Several Peshmerga units that were previously administered by different political parties were eventually placed under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Ministry of Peshmerga. Constitutionally, the president of the region and the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs hold the position of commander of the Peshmerga forces.

However, since the Islamic State’s incursion into northern Iraq, most of the decisions regarding the mobilization of Peshmerga forces have been made by the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Additionally, not only are most of the Peshmerga commanders involved in the fight against the Islamic State senior members of the PUK and KDP but they also either support or remain silent when certain individuals and officers display their party’s flags on the front lines of the battles.

Following the Islamic State’s takeover of Mosul in July 2014, the Kurdish parliament, which has been inactive since October 12, 2015, instructed the KRG to unify all Peshmerga forces within six months. On multiple occasions, Barzani has pledged to expedite the unification process of Peshmerga forces and emphasized that KRG’s policy aligns with the requests of the U.S. and other Western nations. However, despite these efforts, various Peshmerga forces continue to operate along partisan lines, with several armed groups and Peshmerga units operating independently outside the control of the Ministry of Peshmerga.

Once again, the PUK and KDP find themselves facing a common adversary in the region, the Islamic State. Nevertheless, apart from some Peshmerga units under the Ministry of Peshmerga’s control, several Kurdish forces have emerged independently, often maintaining affiliations with the PUK and KDP. For example, in Sinjar, there are various Kurdish forces and Peshmerga units, including the pro-KDP Rojava Peshmerga, the PKK guerrilla, YPG fighters, Sinjar Resistance Units, the Protection Force of Êzîdxan (HPÊ) founded by Haydar Shesho, the Êzidxan Women’s Units (YJÊ), and other forces, each separately controlled by the KDP and the PUK.

Additionally, there are the unofficially named units 80, comprising Gulan Forces, Barzan Forces, Zeravani units, as well as Asayish and Parastin under the command of the KDP. Similarly, unit 70, informally referred to as Yakay 70, consists of Dizha Tiror (CTG), Hezekanî Kosrat Rasul, two presidential brigades tasked with defending the Iraqi president, and Zanyarî Agency and Asayish. It is imperative that all these brave forces be unified under the commander-in-chief of Peshmerga to ensure the region’s protection. Otherwise, security risks and organizational conflicts are expected among these forces, as seen in Sinjar.

While officials in the KRG have consistently stressed the importance of the unification process under Barzani’s command, Dindar Zebari, Deputy Head of Kurdistan’s Department of Foreign Relations for International Organizations, pointed out that “in the past, there was not a strong political will from Baghdad to unify the Peshmerga, which hindered this process.” However, numerous obstacles have contributed to the delay, including the war against the Islamic State, financial crises, political turmoil, and a presidential crisis.

Even though Massoud Barzani has held the position of commander-in-chief of Peshmerga forces since 2005, the unification process became less prominent with the end of his de facto presidency in the Kurdistan region. Some Peshmerga commanders, particularly from the PUK, have openly stated that they no longer take orders from him. Furthermore, there has been a perceived lack of fairness in the distribution of foreign military aid, weapons, and ammunition to different Peshmerga units by the Ministry of Peshmerga and Massoud Barzani (the commander-in-chief of Peshmerga). They have been accused of bias in their treatment of Peshmerga throughout the fight against the Islamic State. In summary, the ideal solution for the unification process involves addressing the legal and political crises in the region and building trust among the parties that command the armed forces.

By Farhad Hassan Abdullah

is an Editor in Chief at the Kurdistan Conflict and Crisis Research Centre and a lecturer at the University of Sulaimani, Department of Politics and International Relations / in Iraqi Kurdistan. He holds an M.A. in Strategic and Defense Studies from the University of Malaya, Malaysia. Address: Sulaimanyah – Kurdistan Region – Iraq Email: farhad.abdul@univsul.edu.iq